Finalist - 2015 Curtin Prize
“The spider has wove his web in the Imperial palace; and the owl hath sung her watch-song on the towers of Afrasiab”
- Sultan Mehmed II (Gibbon 1216)
On May 29th, 1453, the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II’s army swarmed into the Byzantine city of Constantinople. In the midst of the bedlam, the last Roman Emperor was faced with an impossible dilemma. Should he flee from his doomed city to fight another day, or remain to meet his imminent demise? Pondering this, Constantine XI, last of a political entity that remained untouched since the days of Augustus, tore off his Imperial ornaments and charged into the fray as a common soldier amongst thousands. The death of Constantine marked the end of the Eastern Roman Empire, which had survived a millenium after the collapse of its western counterpart. While the body of the fallen emperor was never found, the light of the Roman Caesars was now extinguished.
The Fall of Constantinople is one of the most romanticized moments in world history due to the many intrigues surrounding its demise. The reign of the Emperor Constantine XI began upon the death of his elder brother John VIII Palaiologos in 1448 (Constantine XI Palaeologus). But the Roman Empire that Constantine inherited was not the mighty classical state that spanned from the coasts of Spain to the grasslands of Syria (Emmons), but a rotting husk of little more than southern Greece and the ancient city of Constantinople (Constantine XI Palaeologus). At the helm of a dying empire, Constantine was faced with a clear and immediate danger. Young Mehmed II saw Constantinople as a Christian menace within the vast sea of Sunni lands, and thus made preparations to bring the city under Ottoman control. Understanding the dire nature of the threat, Constantine began preparations for war.
Knowing fully well that the Ottoman forces outnumbered his own, Constantine sought help from the West. This did little good, as “Aside from small contingents of Genoese and Venetians—who had economic interests in Constantinople to protect—the European powers did nothing.”(Constantine XI Palaeologus). Thus, when Mehmed’s army of eighty thousand laid siege to the great Christian city on the 1st of April, Constantine commanded an army of merely seven thousand soldiers at the defense (Runciman 85). Despite an admirable effort to fend off the Ottoman assault, Mehmed’s troops were far too innumerable, far too skilled, and far too well-equipped for the small defense to overcome. The city fell nearly two months later, becoming the capital of the Ottoman Empire and establishing supremacy of the Crescent over the Cross (Constantinople Falls to the Ottoman Turks: May 29, 1453).
And yet, what if the river of time was stemmed, turned in a different direction? What if Constantine, with the assistance of some pivotal divergences in history, was able to stymie the armies of Mehmed and keep Constantinople in Christian hands? Could the Byzantines have risen up to the challenge, to defeat an opponent of such overwhelming fortitude? In simple terms, yes. Despite his heroism, Emperor Constantine XI made three crucial mistakes in his reign that doomed his war effort and allowed the Ottomans to win the battle. History is by no means a path of certainty, and it is possible that even the most indiscernable change in its outcome could have great effect upon the way we look at the modern world.
In historical speculation, moments that speculators choose to alter are commonly known as “Points of Divergence” (PoD’s). This paper will feature three Points of Divergence within Constantine’s lifetime that were the difference between triumph and defeat. The history we have come to know saw Constantine’s greatest efforts all come for naught. But with these divergences in play, perhaps the last of the Romans would be able to taste the air of victory, and roar what the Romans once oft-cried at their zenith: “Vae Victis!”
Point Of Divergence #1: Constantine Breaks The Bank!
In 1451, Constantine XI Palaiologos was approached by a brilliant craftsman known as Orban. Described as “One of a growing band of technical mercenaries who plied their trade across the Balkans” (Crowley), Orban offered to the Byzantine Emperor to “construct a cannon that could blast the walls of Babylon itself” (Runciman 78). The superweapon in question, a precursor to the famed Dardanelles Gun, was a magnificent cannon “27 feet long. The barrel, walled with 8 inches of solid bronze to absorb the force of the blast, had a diameter of 30 inches, enough for a man to enter on his hands and knees and designed to accommodate a stone shot weighing something over half a ton.” (Crowley). Constantine, weary of draining what meager resources his empire had left, paid Orban such a paltry wage for his work that the irked weaponsmith “decided to try his luck elsewhere. He made his way to Edirne to seek an audience with the young sultan” (Crowley). Orban of course was welcomed with open arms by the young Mehmed II, eager to use any advantage possible to conquer the last Byzantine stronghold. When Mehmed at last decided to display his masterpiece on April 12, 1453, all of Constantinople trembled, and as Roger Crowley remarked, “the world's first concerted artillery barrage exploded to life.”
The devastation that Orban’s Cannon brought upon the Byzantine defenders was both physical and psychological. The cannonfire “with a deafening roar, broke into a thousand pieces as they hit the walls; and the masonry could not stand up to them.” (Runciman 97). The sight of the Theodosian walls having “crumbled wherever it was hit” (Crowley) was traumatic to the siege defenders. Indeed, the introduction of this uber-cannon doubtlessly expedited the downfall of the Byzantines, and deprived them of what little vigor they had left. Thus, Constantine’s decision to deny Orban proper funding proved disastrous in the long haul. So how could it have been possible for Constantine to rustle up what was left of his coffers and simply pay the master inventor before it was too late?
A possible means of funding Orban is by means of external support. While it is rather unlikely that any one man could fund the effort, there may be a few individuals who could ease the burden of such an expenditure. The foremost option was Orhan, an exiled grandson of Sultan Suleiman residing in Constantinople. As a pretender to the throne, Orhan had been banished into the Byzantine city from an extremely young age (Runciman 56). The Emperor Constantine XI saw the maintenance and care of the Turkish prince, in exchange for which he offered his services during the siege of Constantinople (Runciman 84). As a token of goodwill, the Sultan “approved an annual payment of 300,000 aspers… for his relative’s expenses in Constantinople” (Philippides 397). Orhan was in legal possession of “Greek towns in the lower Struma” (Runciman 61), the source of his awarded pension (Philippides 397). If Orhan was willing to fight to the death for the Emperor who provided him shelter from his rival, it would stand to reason that he would be willing to make financial concessions to the imperial cause. In addition, the last procession of Constantinople (hours before its fall) featured “The celestial image of the Virgin Mary… in solemn procession” (Gibbon 1209) as well as several other state treasures, implying that Constantine had yet to expend all of his imperial reserves. If Constantine had rummaged through his territories in Morea, his remaining treasures (admittedly, close to none) in Constantinople, and the fading wealth of his Orthodox church, it is possible that he may have had the funds necessary to prevent Orban’s defection.
In a divergence, Constantine is able to convince Orhan and other state allies to pool money together for Orban’s cannon. With money available to spare, an intrigued Constantine grants the young cannon-maker ample funding to put his gifts unto good use. Satisfied, Orban now works tirelessly in Constantinople to build his cannon, and finally perfects it on March 29, 1453. In awe at the splendour of Orban’s masterwork, Constantine proudly parades his super weapon to the masses in the city centre, to thunderous applause. Orban’s cannon renews a sense of hope and vigour in a previously despondent populace, a fact that will go a long way in defending Constantinople from invasion.
Point Of Divergence #2: Mother Russia To The Rescue!
As oft-maligned as the Byzantine Empire became in its final hours for its lack of allies in the East or West, it should be known that Constantine had one last friend to beg for aid. The Russian and Byzantine Empires had a rich history of both warfare and diplomacy. Originally a pagan foe of the Byzantines (Hussey 140), the Russians began to establish a diplomatic foundation in 988 CE after Prince Vladimir of Kiev arranged for a marriage between himself and the sister of the Emperor Basil II, Porphyrogenita Anna (Hussey 516). In exchange, Vladimir and the citizens of Rus (later Russia) were to convert to Orthodox Christianity, a bargain that was readily accepted. As a testament to the two nations’ friendship, the first of the elite Varangian Guards (the bodyguards of the Byzantine Emperors) were actually “sent by Svjatoslav’s son Vladimir… in fulfilment of an agreement he had contracted with the Empire in the previous winter.” (Hussey 516). Due to this longstanding cordiality between the two Empires, it would stand to reason that reigning emperor Vasily II would be willing to provide assistance to his Byzantine ally. If Constantine had pursued further relations with the Russians, could he have extended the lifeline of his empire?
To create a divergence, Constantine delivers a passionate oration in the Royal Court of Moscow to the blind, but no less skilled Emperor Vasily II (Vasily II). The Byzantine Emperor implores that as a defender of the Orthodox faith, it is the obligation of a Christian Emperor to defend Christian lands, even when others neglect to do so. Constantine further elaborates that Constantinople is all that stands between Western dominance for the Muslim menace, and its defeat will signal the end of Christian glory forever. After consulting with his ministers about Constantine’s speech, Vasily tells Constantine that he will indeed defend the great city of Constantinople from Muslim invaders. Personally assembling an army of 10,000 men to the gates of Constantinople, Vasily II The Blind grants the Byzantines one final chance at survival.
Point of Divergence #3: An Apple A Day Keeps The Papacy Away
Constantine XI, for all intents and purposes, was a strong ruler despite the tragic circumstances of his reign. He was able to handle the diplomatic nightmare of maintaining unity amongst multiple Greek and Latin peoples in his realm, as “such was his personality that he won their co-operation” (Runciman 84) and his riveting final speech to the siege defenders, rallying them to fight till the death was in the words of Edward Gibbon “more glorious than the long prosperity of the Byzantine Caesars.” (Gibbon 1210). However, the last Roman Emperor’s legacy is marred by his most enduring blunder: the attempted reunification of the Catholic and Orthodox churches. After the Latin Pope and Orthodox Patriarch engaged in a mutual excommunication in 1054 (Boojamra), Christian Catholicism and Orthodoxy became harshly divided. This divide culminated in the Latin Sack of Constantinople in 1204 as a result of the botched Fourth Crusade (Andrea). Despite the obvious animosity between the two churches, Constantine believed that the only way to save the Roman Empire was by acknowledging papal supremacy and ensuring Western aid (Constantine XI Palaeologus). While this looked like a logical plan in theory, it was a complete disaster in application. Further inspection reveals why the reunion was doomed to fail from the start.
Firstly, the last time a Pope had any real military prowess was centuries before Constantine’s birth. The last Papal offensive against Islam was in 1272, and it failed to accomplish anything of note (Bauer 373). Susan Wise Bauer notes that while these final crusades were existent in theory, “The expedition [of 1272] to Tunis and Edward’s journey to Acre, neither of which had anything to Jerusalem-and neither of which offered anything in the way of actual fighting- were later known to some historians as the Eighth and Ninth Crusades. Other chronicles did not even grant the name.” (Bauer 373). In addition, the assistance that Nicholas actually ended up providing Constantine was miniscule: fifteen papal galleys that arrived after Constantinople had fallen (Runciman 81,161). For historical perspective, the Ottoman fleet that defeated the Christian Order known as the Knights of St. John in 1551 numbered greater than 100 galleys (Glete 102). Even if they had actually fought, it’s unlikely that these meager reinforcements would have done any good for the long run. Lastly, the surrender of the Orthodox church to Rome was an outrage to the Greek population, some of whom asserted that they would “prefer to see the Sultan's turban in their city than the Latin mitre” (Nicol). The Byzantines were notoriously ineffective when forced to assemble with non-Romans, as “The Greeks refused often refused to serve with foreigners and threatened to desert if forced into such unwelcome contact” (Diehl 205). By attempting the reconciliation, Constantine alienated his own subjects and angered many potential allies, furthering the discord amongst the defenders. With this in mind, would it have been possible for Constantine to resist the temptation to seek Western aid, and prevent the internal strife that followed?
In our divergence, Constantine’s successful attempt to seek assistance from Orthodox Russia prevents him from wasting resources in a reconciliation attempt, deeming such an exploit irrelevant to the war effort. It is important to note that in our history, Genoese wünderkind Giovanni Giustiniani, who was responsible for much of the defense of Constantinople, was one of the soldiers-of-fortune “who were ashamed of their governments timidity and who came to fight of their own will from Italy to fight for Christendom.” (Runciman 83). Thus, “the driving force of the defense” (Hussey 773) would still be available to the Byzantines barring a major Byzantine-Genoese fallout. This passiveness to the Pope returns Eastern-Western relations to a degree of hostility, but not enough to trigger any serious conflict between the two sides. This change of heart from Constantine removes any hatred the Orthodox population of the Empire felt towards their leader, giving Constantine a greater base of ethnic Greeks to draw upon, as well as the support of his Church and people.
The Fall: A Fate Averted
On April 1st, 1453, Sultan Mehmed II begins his unprecedented assault on the city of Constantinople, hoping to end Christendom in the East once and for all. “Already, during the winter of 1451 he began recruiting competent builders, familiar with military works and fortifications, whose mission would be to build a powerful fortress on the Bosphorus… it became eventually known as Rumeli Hisar. ” (Hatzopoulo) creating a devastating chokehold on the Thracian region. Constantine XI recognizes the danger immediately, and corresponds with Vasily to prepare for an ardorous fight in order to cross the Black Sea. Constantine prepares for assault in the same manner as in the original timeline, delegating his troops to the outer wall, and abandoning the interior barrier of the Theodosian fortress (Runciman 91). The knowledge that Russian reinforcements are en route causes morale to soar within the gates, uplifting the spirits of the defenders for the coming battle.
Mehmed’s first assault is in accordance with our own timeline, with a key change. The Turkish Emperor immediately orders his artillery weapons to bombard the Theodosian Walls, but fate is far less kind this time around. With Orban never defecting to the Ottomans, Mehmed lacks the decisive technological advantage to instill fear in the Byzantines. Mehmed’s artillery now mainly consists of relatively ineffective cannons, supplemented in number by medieval-era trebuchets. The battered but vigilant defenders are able to hold steadfast against these far less threatening weapons, and the Ottomans find virtually no success in their barrage.
With the artillery becoming impotent against the Byzantines, the frontier of war shifts to the Bosphorous. Constantine, as in our timeline, orders a massive chain to be laid out across the harbor to prevent auxiliary ships from crossing the Golden Horn. Mehmed brilliantly anticipates this, and orders special ships with greased logs to cross Galata, thus circumventing the chains (Runciman 105). This time, however, Constantine is completely prepared to deal with this tactic. At the bays of Pera, the log-ships and their carriers are met with a small fleet of Byzantines and their allies, who ordinarily could be dealt with with little thought. This particular regiment however, has been trained to utilize Orban’s cannons on their galleys with precision. The Ottoman fleet is ravaged, rendering it irrelevant for the remainder of the conflict. Without a naval frontier to worry about, Constantine is not pressured to sap the strength of the land defenses by adding more troops to the Bosphorous, in turn strengthening the walls.
The Byzantines, having held strong against Ottoman assault, have aggravated Mehmed. The Sultan’s efforts to build mines under the Byzantine defenses have also been thwarted by the Byzantine engineer Johannes Grant (Runciman). On May 26, the Sultan convenes a war council, calling for a final and colossal assault on the city. Meanwhile, despite the constant warring, the inhabitants of Constantinople are still in high spirits from their successes, along with the hope of reinforcements. After two days of prayer and rest, the Ottomans assemble their army for their complete charge on May 28 (Hatzopoulo). As they advance, the air is suddenly pierced with jovial roars from within the city. The Russians have arrived! Vasily and his men were able to take Rumeli Hisari from the Turks after a week-long struggle, and have advanced into the city. Constantine embraces the emperor of Russia, and declares that he is forever indebted to them for their charity. Now with ten thousand soldiers at their disposal, the Theodosian Walls are manned to their fullest extent. The Kerkoporta gate, which in our timeline was left open for the Turks to burst through (Hatzopoulo), is now sealed and fully protected. Russian aid to the city is a massive blow to morale outside the wall, and forces a remarkable change to the Ottoman battle plan. Realizing that morale must be restored to ensure a successful assault, Mehmed himself decides to lead the invasion.
In the afternoon of May 28, Mehmed sends his auxiliary troops to the gates, in hopes of wearing down the defenders. However, the invigorated Russian-Byzantine coalition is prepared. Cannon-burst and Greek fire are rained down on the army, removing them with haste. Unable to breach the walls, Mehmed next sends the elite Janissary warriors to break the line. However, the combined forces of Genoese soldier-of-fortune Giovanni Giustiniani and Vasily are able to hold strong against their attack. After hours of fighting, the dwindling Janissaries are forced to withdraw and regroup with the regular army. Watching his dream of conquest crumble, Mehmed delivers a fiery speech to his exhausted troops, rallying them for a final and all-out assault. Mounting his white stallion into the battle, the Sultan leads his army to the gates of Constantinople. The last great battle of the siege has begun.
Vasily II is manning his position at Blachernae, when the thundering war cry of eighty thousand Ottomans rips across the battle-streaked sky. Recognizing what is about to happen, the Russian Emperor orders for all soldiers to advance to the Outer Wall and prepare for an assault on the frontal gates. Constantine opts to defend the city from the ground level. The Byzantine Emperor leaves charge of the Inner Wall to Giustiniani, who is not fatally wounded due to the abandonment of artillery use earlier in the battle (Runciman 138). With a little less than twenty thousand men at the wall, Constantine prepares to define his legacy forever, either as the man who lost Constantinople to the infidels, or the Emperor who kept the Roman Empire alive for another day.
The last great battle for the city is marked by the surreal image of the Ottomans, now a horde of vicious warriors, charging with little haste into the gates of Constantinople. Above them, Russians and Greeks let loose countless volleys of stones, arrows, and fire down onto their besiegers. Mournful hymns can be heard on both sides of the battlefield, and the clash of steel is deafening. Mehmed’s troops are sustaining grievous losses, but still push forward in a desperate attempt to storm the city. The gates of Constantinople are fabled and sturdy, but by no means impregnable. After an hour of warring at the Walls, Mehmed’s battered troops break open the gates and enter the outskirts of Constantinople.
Constantine is waiting.
Armed with Orban’s Guns, Greek Fire, and what remains of the Byzantine Artillery, one thousand Greek troops stand ready to face the depleted Ottoman offensive. Mehmed had chosen to spearhead the charge, and it would be this boldness that would be his undoing. With a screeching wail, Orban’s gun comes to life, annihilating the Turkish front. Mehmed and his stallion are among the unfortunate souls at the tip of the assault. The most ambitious Sultan to ever grace the office is no more. The frantic nature of the onslaught has ensured that no Lieutenant is able to recover the departed sultan in time, and thousands of Ottomans watch in terror as their leader is vanquished in a fiery burst. Morale all but dissipates in the invading army. With the fatigued Ottoman advance in shambles, the Byzantines take advantage. An invigorated Constantine and his army rushes into the heart of the fighting. Elsewhere, Vasily II and the Russians descend the wall to join the melee. The Ottomans are at last overwhelmed. Breaking rank and terrified, the Turkish army halts the siege and flees the city.
At last, the day is won for the Romans. Constantine has defended his Empire from marauding foes once more through shrewd politics and wise counsel. Vasily and his Russians, Orban and his cannons, the defection from the Pope’s schemes, these were the factors that gave Constantine a chance to redeem the failures of his Empire, to give him the right to call himself a Caesar for another day. And what will come next? The defeat at Constantinople would certainly be a devastating blow to Ottoman morale. Furthermore, Mehmed’s death would leave control of the Empire in the hands of six year old Bayezid II, not exactly a recipe for political stability (Bayezid II). If the Ottomans were to fragment due to this civil strife, could it be possible for Constantine and his withered Empire to re-establish sovereign over lost lands? Or perhaps this is wishful thinking, perhaps Constantinople was doomed to fall, and even this valiant effort would be in vain. Regardless, the hopeless odds Constantine bravely weathered have been reversed with but a few changes in Constantine’s approach. This alone reflects a lesson on the malleability of history, and a direct proof that moments in time are neither predestined nor set in stone.
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